Strategic bombing may generally be defined
as air attacks directed at targets or systems capable of having a major impact
on the will or ability of an enemy nation to wage war. Airpower proponents have
touted strategic bombing as a unique war-winning capability and have used it to
justify independent air services.
When World War II began, only two nations
had a coherent and committed strategic bombing program: Great Britain and the
United States. Although most states with advanced militaries had interest in
powerful airpower, continental concerns, resource limitations, or misguided
procurement policies hindered most aspirants to powerful long-range bombing
forces. Only relatively protected naval powers such as the United States and
Britain could afford to focus so much attention on strategic bombing, lured by
the strong political appeal of its promise of quick victory at relatively low
cost. Both efforts had roots in the experience of the Royal Air Force (RAF) in
World War I, when Sir Hugh Trenchard developed tactics and policies for the
world’s first independent air service and when talented subordinates such as
Hardinge Goulburn Giffard, 1st Viscount Tiverton (subsequently 2nd Earl of
Halsbury) pioneered target analysis for morale and material effects to assault
the foundations of the German war economy. Although airmen in both countries
became aware of the ideas of Giulio Douhet during the interwar years and used
them to support arguments for strategic airpower, Douhet had little impact on
the evolution of the RAF or the U.S. Army Air Corps.
The RAF continued to pursue Trenchard’s
ideal of a massive aerial offensive, assisted by politicians who were willing
to fund an aerial deterrent instead of large expensive land armies that could
become involved in more bloody continental wars. However, targeting priorities
remained vague, and the war would soon reveal the large gap between claims and
capabilities.
The Americans took a different approach
that can be traced back to Tiverton’s precedents. Although the subordinate army
air service’s primary mission remained ground support, a group of smart young
officers at the Air Corps Tactical School (ACTS) developed a theory of
precision daylight bombing of carefully selected targets in the industrial and
service systems of enemy economies. Pinning their hopes on the capabilities of
new aircraft such as the B-17 Flying Fortress, these airmen expected unescorted
self-defending bombers to destroy vital nodes of the enemy’s war economy that
would grind it to a halt.
Bombing examples before and during the
early days of World War II—in Spain and China and even the German Blitz on
London—appeared to demonstrate the ineffectiveness and drawbacks of
indiscriminate attacks on cities and to support the superiority of precision
tactics. When President Franklin D. Roosevelt asked the army and navy for
munitions estimates for a potential war in 1941, many of those ACTS instructors
had joined the Air Staff in Washington. They soon developed a plan called
AWPD/1 that envisioned a precision bombing campaign as a key component of the
American war effort. When a larger plan that included AWPD/1 was accepted, the
U.S. Army Air Forces (USAAF) finally had a justification for pursuing its own
independent strategic bombing. They also found it difficult to put theory into
practice.
Early British attacks moved from a
Tivertonian focus on key systems like power plants or oil to a more
Trenchardian reliance on widespread morale effects. Daylight raids proved
deadly for RAF Bomber Command, revealing critical deficiencies in the number
and quality of their bombers. Operations shifted to the nighttime, but the
August 1941 Butt Report concluded that only about one in five aircrews were
bombing within five miles of their intended targets. Adapting to the reality of
their capabilities, in February 1942 Bomber Command was directed to attack area
targets—that is, cities—with the objective of undermining German civilian
morale, particularly that of industrial workers. Under the direction of Air
Chief Marshal Sir Arthur Harris, Bomber Command built up its strength and
obtained better aircraft, especially Halifax and Lancaster four-engine bombers.
On 30 May 1942, Bomber Command mounted the first “thousand bomber raid” on
Cologne, and in July 1943 it achieved the first bombing-induced firestorm
against Hamburg, killing about 45,000 people. However German night defenses
also adapted. When Harris decided to mount a full-scale assault on Berlin in
late 1943, the Luftwaffe shot down so many British aircraft, and bombing
results were so disappointing, that the utility of the whole night area
campaign was brought into question.
Meanwhile, the Americans had also
encountered difficulties. At Casablanca in January 1943, Allied leaders had
agreed to a Combined Bomber Offensive (CBO) of round-the-clock attacks. It was
rather poorly coordinated, but it did allow each air force to pursue its
preferred approach. The most significant USAAF strategic attack of that year
was General James Doolittle’s July 1943 attack on Rome from North Africa, which
heavily damaged the marshaling yards, limited collateral damage with impressive
accuracy, and contributed to the fall of Benito Mussolini’s government.
Elements of the Eighth Air Force began bombing the continent from England in
August 1942, although they did not fly deep penetration raids into central and
eastern Germany until a year later. Losses among unescorted B-17 and B-24
“Liberator” bombers were horrendous, especially during attacks against
ball-bearing plants at Schweinfurt in August and October 1943. Although the Fifteenth
Air Force in Italy joined the daylight campaign in November 1943, the Americans
were unable to sustain such attrition. By the end of the year, such deep
attacks on Germany were suspended, and it appeared that the Luftwaffe was on
the verge of winning the strategic air war in Europe.
Everything changed, however, with the
advent of the Allied long-range escort fighter, most notably the P-51
“Mustang.” In mid-February 1944, the U.S. Strategic Air Forces (USSTAF) began
their “Big Week” attacks against German aircraft factories. The air battles
that ensued decimated the Luftwaffe, and by the time of the D-day landings in
June, the Allies achieved air supremacy over France and air superiority over
Germany. The escort fighters began by sticking close to their bombers, but they
proved most effective when they were released to sweep against enemy aircraft
in the air and on the ground. Because of the American adoption of radar-directed
bombing methods through overcast skies, the Germans had little respite even in
poor weather, and their losses were increased by many accidents. Although the
strategic bombers had an initial priority to operations in support of the
coming invasion, Allied airpower had built up to the point that USSTAF
commander General Carl Spaatz could begin sustained attacks against oil targets
in May. By the fall of 1944, Luftwaffe and Wehrmacht operations were severely
crippled by fuel shortages, and concentrated attacks against transportation
networks further limited German mobility and economic activity.
During this period, Harris resisted
diversions against “panacea targets” such as oil and remained committed to
“dehousing” German workers. However, British bombers did sometimes assist with
attacks on oil and transportation targets, and their larger loads of bombs
could cause considerable damage. The RAF greatly improved its ability to
navigate and bomb at night or in bad weather, and it usually achieved greater
accuracy than the Americans under such conditions. Even in clear weather,
precision bombing did not approach the image often portrayed in the press of
bombs dropping down smokestacks. Usually, all aircraft in the B-17 and B-24
formations dropped their loads together, with intervals set between bombs so
they would fall a few hundred feet apart. The pattern therefore covered a wide
area. As USSTAF strength increased and targets became scarcer, planners became
more tolerant of civilian casualties, adopting less accurate radar-directed
bombardment methods in bad weather and hitting transportation objectives in
city centers.
At least in Europe, American air leaders
remained committed to attacks aimed primarily at economic and military targets
instead of at civilian morale, a policy that sometimes caused friction with
their British allies. There were also differences over bombing in occupied
countries, where the British were particularly sensitive to political
repercussions. The Americans were willing to bomb any Axis factory regardless
of the nationality of the workers, whereas the British preferred to strike any
German anywhere. The British also favored heavy attacks on the capitals of Axis
allies in the Balkans, although the Americans successfully blocked what they
saw as an inefficient and ineffective diversion of valuable airpower. Debates
about the relative success and morality of RAF and USAAF bombing have continued
to the present day.
The differing national approaches also
played a role as the war in Europe approached its end, and both air forces
sought an aerial death blow to finish the war. The British plan, codenamed
THUNDERCLAP, was based on shattering morale by destroying Berlin. That major
assault was conducted by the Eighth Air Force on 3 February 1945. Allied
concerns about assisting the Soviet advance helped produce the firestorm that
devastated Dresden 10 days later. The corresponding American plan, code-named
CLARION, aimed to awe the German populace with widespread attacks on targets in
every village. It was eventually changed into primarily a transportation
assault because of concerns for efficiency, public image, and even morality.
The controversy in Great Britain over the Dresden attack was one factor in the
suspension of the strategic air war against Germany in April, although it was
not as important as the simple fact that Allied bombing forces were running out
of suitable targets.
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