On May 14, 1945 472 B-29s attacked the area
in and around the Mitsubishi engine factory at Nagoya. Two nights later,
another visit to Nagoya devastated another four square miles of that city. On
May 23 and May 25, Tokyo was hit again. Although these two Tokyo raids had cost
43 B-29s, over 50 percent of the city had now been destroyed.
Alarmed at the increasing B-29 losses, a
change of tactics was ordered. In an attempt to confuse the enemy defenses and
to lure Japanese fighters into an air battle in which many of them would be
destroyed, high-altitude daylight attacks were temporarily resumed. On May 29,
454 B-29s appeared over Yokohama, but this time they were escorted by P-51
Mustangs from Iwo Jima. In the resulting dogfight, 26 Japanese fighters were
destroyed against the loss of four B-29s and three P-51s. Thereafter, the
Japanese hoarded their surviving fighters for a last-ditch effort against the
inevitable invasion force, and the air defense of cities became a lesser
priority. By June of 1945, Japanese interceptors were seen much less frequently
and the B-29s had free reign over all Japanese airspace.
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Despite widespread awareness about the
vulnerability of the Japanese home islands to air attack—reinforced by the
results of the Doolittle Raid on Tokyo on 18 April 1942—U.S. plans for an air
war against Japan remained vague until well into 1943 because of American
limitations in resources and technology.
The development of the Boeing B-29
Superfortress changed this situation. Eventually, more than 1,000 of the long-range
aircraft were deployed in the Twentieth Air Force under the direct control of
the Army Air Forces commander, General Henry “Hap” Arnold, subdivided into the
XX and XXI Bomber Commands. Under pressure to get results from his expensive
very-heavy bomber program, he fielded the new aircraft even before testing had
been completed.
In June 1944, B-29s from Major General
Kenneth Wolfe’s XX Bomber Command began bombing Japan from China as part of
Operation MATTERHORN. The campaign was plagued by logistical problems that got
worse when Japanese troops overran advanced Allied airfields in China. Arnold
replaced Wolfe with the USAAF’s premier problem-solver, Major General Curtis
LeMay. However, even he could not make MATTERHORN a success. Arnold’s greatest
hopes for an airpower victory over Japan rested with Brigadier General Haywood
“Possum” Hansell’s XXI Bomber Command, which began operations from the Mariana
Islands in November 1944. Hansell was one of the architects of the
precision-bombing doctrine, but his operations also had little success.
Poor facilities, faulty training, engine
failures, cloud cover, and jet streams at bombing altitudes made precision
methods impossible. Hansell seemed unwilling to change his tactics, however,
and Arnold feared that he would lose control of the heavy bombers to Allied
Pacific theater commanders without better results, so he consolidated both
bomber commands in the Marianas under LeMay and relieved Hansell.
LeMay instituted new training and
maintenance procedures but still failed to achieve useful results with daylight
high-altitude precision attacks. He decided to resort to low-level incendiary
raids at night. Although area-firebombing went against dominant Air Forces
doctrine, flying at low altitude reduced engine strain, required less fuel,
improved bombing concentration, avoided high winds, and took advantage of
weaknesses in Japanese defenses. LeMay’s systems analysts predicted that he
could set large enough fires to leap firebreaks around important industrial objectives.
His first application of the new tactics, Operation MEETINGHOUSE, against Tokyo
on the night of 9 March 1945, produced spectacular destruction and was the
deadliest air raid of the war.
Once enough incendiaries were stockpiled,
the fire raids began in earnest. Warning leaflets were also dropped, which
terrorized 8 million Japanese civilians into fleeing from cities. When General
Carl Spaatz arrived in July to take command of U.S. Army Strategic Air Forces
in the Pacific, including the Eighth Air Force redeploying from Europe, and to
coordinate strategic air operations supporting the invasion of Japan, he had a
directive to shift the air campaign from cities to transportation. But there
was too much momentum behind the fire raids, sustained by operational tempo,
training programs, and bomb stockage.
By the time Spaatz arrived, naval carrier
strikes were also hitting key industrial objectives in Japan. More important, a
submarine blockade had crippled the Japanese economy, the Russians were about to
attack Manchuria, and Spaatz maintained direct command over the 509th Composite
Group of B-29s specially modified to carry atomic bombs. Directed by Washington
to deliver these weapons as soon as possible after 3 August, Spaatz ordered the
attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. These different elements combined with the
incendiary campaign to comprise the series of blows that produced Japanese
surrender.
As with the atomic bomb, there is still
debate over the effects and morality of the firebombing raids. LeMay’s bombers
burned out 180 square miles of 67 cities, killed at least 300,000 people, and
wounded more than 400,000. His 313th Bomb Wing also sowed 12,000 mines in ports
and waterways, sinking almost 1 million tons of shipping in about four months.
LeMay remained convinced that his conventional bombing could have achieved
victory by itself. LeMay, his tactics, and the legacy of the atomic bombs would
be a primary influence in the shaping of the new United States Air Force.
References Hansell, Haywood S. Jr. Strategic Air War Against Japan.
Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1980.
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